Singapore’s 2025 General Election, held on 3 May, recorded a voter turnout of 92.47 per cent—the lowest since the 1968 election, which saw a turnout of 91.83 per cent amid a boycott by Barisan Sosialis.
This marks a significant drop from the 95.81 per cent turnout recorded in the 2020 election.
While turnout in past elections such as 2001 and 2011 also dipped slightly, the 2025 figure stands out as the lowest in a fully contested general election in recent decades.
There were 2,627,026 registered electors in 2025, and 2,429,281 votes were cast. This means approximately 197,745 voters abstained, resulting in a national absenteeism rate of 7.53 per cent.
The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), led by Prime Minister Lawrence Wong, secured a dominant victory, winning 87 out of 97 parliamentary seats and increasing its national vote share from 61.24 per cent in 2020 to 65.57 per cent in 2025.
The opposition Workers’ Party (WP) retained its 10 elected seats but was unable to make further gains, despite strong performances in several closely contested constituencies.
The historically low turnout has prompted scrutiny of the factors contributing to voter disengagement, particularly in light of what many view as the PAP’s strategic advantage during this election cycle.
Observers and opposition parties have pointed to the timing of the election, which coincided with a long weekend. May Day (1 May) fell on a Thursday and was followed by Cooling-Off Day on Friday (2 May).
Voters with the means to take leave were able to travel, and some may have been caught off guard by the polling date—particularly among more affluent voters, who are traditionally more inclined to support the opposition.
While voting is legally compulsory in Singapore, voters who are overseas on polling day can provide a valid explanation and be reinstated to the electoral roll without penalty.
This flexibility, combined with the long weekend around 1 May, may have made overseas travel a more appealing option—particularly for affluent voters who tend to lean towards the opposition.
As a result, the legal requirement to vote may not have been a strong enough deterrent to offset the convenience of a short holiday, inadvertently contributing to the lower turnout.
The low turnout was further compounded by what many perceived as a lack of transparency surrounding the election date.
Prime Minister Lawrence Wong repeatedly refused to clarify the government’s election plans for months, and continued to withhold any indication even after the release of the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) report—despite being asked directly by reporters.
The report was released on 11 March 2025 and was followed just five weeks later by the issuance of the Writ of Election on 15 April—a longstanding but controversial pattern.
Unlike in many other democracies, where boundary reviews are conducted by independent bodies and released well ahead of elections, Singapore’s process lacks a fixed schedule and is overseen by the Prime Minister’s Office.
This short window left political parties with limited time to respond to revised electoral boundaries, field candidates, and engage voters. For many opposition candidates—especially those contesting newly created or redrawn constituencies—the compressed timeline posed a significant operational challenge.
Critics argue that the ruling party’s prior knowledge of electoral timing, combined with the late release of boundaries, contributes to an uneven playing field that undermines electoral fairness.
Absenteeism was especially high in several of Singapore’s more affluent constituencies. Tanjong Pagar GRC recorded an absentee rate of 11 per cent, followed by Holland-Bukit Timah at 9.41 per cent and East Coast at 9.22 per cent.
In the Single Member Constituencies (SMCs), Mountbatten saw 12.2 per cent of voters abstain. Bukit Gombak, Radin Mas, Potong Pasir, and Marymount SMCs also recorded absentee rates above 8.5 per cent.
The number of spoilt votes also drew attention. Jalan Besar GRC saw 3,331 ballots rejected—3.13 per cent of total votes cast.
Similarly high rejection rates were recorded in Ang Mo Kio, Tanjong Pagar, and Mountbatten. Analysts suggest some of these may have been intentional, reflecting protest votes or dissatisfaction, especially where boundary changes disrupted expectations or choice was limited.
The combined effect of absenteeism and ballot rejection likely narrowed the path for opposition gains.
In closely contested constituencies such as Jalan Kayu SMC and Tampines GRC, the WP lost by relatively small margins but secured Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) seats due to their strong performances.
In Jalan Kayu, the PAP’s Ng Chee Meng won with 14,113 votes against WP’s Andre Low, who received 13,307—a difference of just 806 votes.
The constituency recorded 27,796 votes cast out of 29,628 registered voters, with 1,832 abstaining and 376 ballots rejected. The number of abstentions alone was more than double the winning margin, suggesting that modest changes in turnout could have altered the outcome.
In Tampines GRC, the PAP secured 71,423 votes, followed by the WP with 65,044. The People’s Power Party and National Solidarity Party received 593 and 249 votes, respectively.
The PAP’s margin over the WP in Tampines GRC was 6,379 votes. However, 9,549 registered voters abstained, and 1,261 ballots were rejected—figures that far exceeded the vote margin between the leading parties.
These numbers suggest that greater participation—particularly from opposition-leaning or travelling voters—could plausibly have shifted the outcome. Moreover, abstaining voters might not only have cast votes themselves, but also influenced others through outreach or peer and family persuasion, amplifying their potential impact.
A similar case could be made for Singapore’s Democratic Party Secretary General Dr Chee Soon Juan’s campaign in Sembawang West SMC. He secured 10,541 votes (46.81 per cent), losing to the PAP’s Poh Li San, who won with 11,978 votes (53.19 per cent)—a margin of 1,437. The constituency saw 1,418 abstentions and 269 rejected ballots, both figures closely matching or exceeding the vote margin.
In any case, a modest increase in turnout could have tipped the scales, underscoring the importance of every vote in Singapore’s tightly contested political landscape.
Following the election, calls for reform grew louder. Public commentary on social media has advocated for the establishment of an independent EBRC to remove it from the Prime Minister’s Office.
Others have proposed a mandatory buffer period between the release of new boundaries and the announcement of an election—ranging from six to twelve months—to allow sufficient time for parties and voters to prepare.
The perceived use of timing and administrative procedures to the ruling party’s advantage has reignited debate about transparency and fairness in Singapore’s electoral system.
As the country reflects on the 2025 election, attention is shifting from outcomes to process.
While the PAP has further consolidated its parliamentary dominance, the historically low turnout, sharp absenteeism in key constituencies, and strategic use of institutional mechanisms have raised important questions about the inclusivity and robustness of Singapore’s electoral framework.
The post GE2025: Voter turnout drops to historic low, with opposition gains stalled appeared first on The Online Citizen.
